The cultural circularity in Campos dos Goytacazes in the 20th century: from the intellectuality and musical teaching perspective
Taiany Felipe and Igor Teixeira
Abstract:
This article derives from two research projects about intellectuality and musical teaching in Campos dos Goytacazes, RJ. The combination of both realms had the purpose to ascertain the conditions in which the cultural circularity penetrated in the city over the XX century. For this purpose, the historical spectrum of capitality that commanded the discourses of Campos’ political and cultural elites was considered so as to comprehend the regional identity that had moulded the city. In this regard, the discourses and practices from Godofredo Tinoco and those of the Campos Conservatory of Music here in assessed represent the ethical-political projects for the region, but also a national pattern of culture movement at that time.
Keywords: cultural circularity, intellectuality, musical teaching, regional identity, Campos dos Goytacazes.
- Introduction
This analytical work results from two independent archival, historical research projects about institutionalized private collections at Casa de Cultura Villa Maria, CCVM (Villa Maria Culture House). The first research has begun since 2017 and is based on Glória Ramalho’s1 Collection by using the music score sheets and complementary sources, whereas the second one has analyzed, since 2018, Godofredo Tinoco’s2 Collection by using both intellectual pieces and documents.
The archival work was executed at Villa Maria Culture House, a culture-promoting entity maintained by the Universidade Estadual do Norte Fluminense Darcy Ribeiro (UENF). Both archives were treated by following a methodological organization which considered the structural conditions of these documents.
Apart from the most degraded historical documents, which demand restoration, a conservation treatment was then applied to those that were in the best state of degradation. From this, the documents were cleaned, repaired according to possibilities, scanned for digital assets, catalogued, packaged and stored.
At the beginning of the two research periods, the first steps were focused on the selection of the most fragile documents to be treated and the development of prior rational organization of the material. As the documents were being treated, historical issues triggered a multiplicity of possibilities within the investigative framework about institutionalized personal collections. The course of this historical investigation has followed the path of questions related to cultural circularity situated in the midst of discourses that are produced about the regional identity of Campos dos Goytacazes.
Despite the difference related to the content, both sources have similar historical contexts that help expand the analytical scope from the beginning of the XX century, based on the characteristics of a relevant cultural center in the countryside of Rio de Janeiro State. The analysis of both musical and intellectual practices does not mean to partially comprehend some cultural history traits of Campos dos Goytacazes or even exalt its memory. Instead, this work sets the possibility of historicizing these practices and the groups which represented them.
For this objective, a cultural movement that had reverberated for two centuries in Campos was traced. This research revolves around the concept of capitality spectrum which accounts for the gradative regional identity production and circularity, in which the city is considered to be the capital of the state. Nevertheless, the impact of this constant appearance of this identity in the discourses of the local political elite had to be understood in the specific context of the XX century, together with its contribution to the circularity of ideas. It means to analyze Campos dos Goytacazes’ effective participation in the national culture demands, in which the city’s elite absorbed almost the same pro- cesses of the entire country oligarchies’ order, from which the apparatuses used required further analysis of their organizative potential in a regionalized space.
- Materials and Methods
Based on two fields of primary documental sources, both research projects operated through its contents to interlock pieces that express a cultural identity of the city. Therefore, according to a local and global bibliography, the research found the active voices behind this identity establishment.
On average, 90 music score sheets and 40 intellectual pieces were treated and analysed so as to reach the objectives herein proposed. Therefore, specific documents from Maria da Glória Ramalho’s and Godofredo Tinoco’s collection re- quired greater use for its content value to research inquiries, as well as complementary sources were incorporated in the analysis and also increasing the material collection. This applies to the newspaper clippings and presentation leaflets about the extinct Campos Music Conservatory (CMC), which were made available from a personal collection and contributed for a better comprehension of discourses about the regional identities articulated by the groups involved in cultural practice around piano teaching, in the context where musical scores were used as class material.
The score pieces were divided into copies of pieces handwritten by CMC’s students and the printed editorial pieces, the latter which accumulated a greater volume in the collection and had a greater variety of cataloging information. In addition to the information on the different compositions inscribed on the music score sheets, printed stamps of the music score publishers and commercial houses were found, which show signs of cultural practices, fostered by a printed music market that operated with dimensions comparable to the long play phonograph market in the second half of XX century.
In the case of the Godofredo Tinoco Collection, its diversity of documents expanded the analytical scope of an entire cultural movement in town, emphasizing theatre, local press, literature and political issues. In this regard, the intellectual achievement of Tinoco could be also mapped by his versatile writings, capacity to interlock subjects and develop an ethical political project that is materialized in his ideas and political practices.
For this survey comprehension, the intellectual documents selected com- pose a chronological frame of regional identity movement that can be pointed as a spectrum of capitality. This spectrum is identified in the two-century history of production and circulation of ideias in Campos, despite this exploration searching for this spectrum permanence. Therefore, other complementary sources contributed to track the consistency of the ideas and their meanings, as in Alberto Ribeiro Lamego Filho’s Campos Capital of the state of Rio de Janeiro opuscule of 1930.
For this identity-related matter, the analytical method that routes the historical research starts from the regional premise, by guiding the discussion to the symbolic constructions that mould and organize a territory. Hence, this outlined space not only refers to a delimited reality where national interference occurs, but also to the assimilation to other aspects not found when seen from a more expansive perspective. Furthermore, the regional field in history research helps to find not only the intricate and oblique connections between national, regional and local, but also gives relevance to the space element as much as it does to time.
On the regional assumption, the role of Campos’ culture production apparatuses is part of the composition of the state organism. For this purpose, these apparatuses’ characters are considered to be “(…) the ‘commissioners’ of the dominant group for the subordinate functions of social hegemony and political government”. (Gramsci, 1982, p. 11)1. It means using the gramscian method in the concept of the Integral State that results from a reciprocal relationship between civil and political society. Within civil society there can be found the political meanings about the intellectual and musical practices in the cultural hegemonic organization of that time.
3 Results and discussion
The XX century represents a turn in cultural dissemination, as a result of capitalism development since the late XIX century. The current production complexity also expanded the superstructures that ensured the social order by giving cohesion to the economical system. In this sense, the massive means of communication, developed by the “radio golden era” in the 30’s, the adequation of the press and the newspaper, the television and film creation, these all had improved the instruments of cultural circularity given the population’s wide acceptance in the medium term. Notwithstanding, the circulation of ideas remained in the hands of the hegemonic groups, but at this time the coverage capacity could be used to organize culture into a practical political project.
Campos dos Goytacazes, as a cultural metropolis at that time, was underpinned with tens of newspapers, radios and playhouses, thus developing an interaction among different audiences, artists and intellectuals from distinct places. The city had therefore its relevant characters who organized and represented those cultural spaces, most of them belonging to the high and middle classes, arising from the local oligarchies. This matter of prevailing city political elites entailed a correlation between culture and class, mainly in a provincial town guided by a spectrum of capitality molded by these elites.
This spectrum corresponds to Campos’ economic environment since the XVIII, on behalf of sugarcane production wealth which had become a factor of importance in the defense of the city as a center suitable for being the state capital. In accordance with Chrisóstomo (2011), this capitality spectrum here concepted developed in three historical movements. Beginning with the strategic location of the city as a result of its commercial connection to other countries, Campos dos Goytacazes started to be recognised and stimulated by the metropole. In the XVIII century, the Crown investments produced the site occupation with an administrative, judicial and religious network, whence Campos identity began to change its primitive savage image on to a valuation of the environmental ecosystem and the population’s gentle character. With a new regional identity formulated on the natural resources, culture and economic wealth, the local elites established the potential of Campos city to com- pete as the capital of the State along with Rio de Janeiro city and Itaboraí. Despite losing this first dispute, Campos achieved the city status in 1835, together with a bolder movement, especially newspaper and media, in defense of the city role as a development centre in the north of Rio de Janeiro.
Highlighting the importance of the region, sometimes representing it as an area of great potential, sometimes as a place degraded by lack of investment and patriotism of the citizens were strategies used by political leaders to both encourage what was considered ‘the defense of the public good’ and to obtain additional resources from the central and provincial government. (Chrisóstomo, 2011, p. 67 – own translation)2 A second movement started in 1850, regardless of the crisis caused by the sugar- cane low productivity and labor shortage. At this moment, the dispute for the capital status entered the various cities in the province as a resolution to political and economic problems, albeit, Campos remained in control of both problems with a frontier area just as powerful. In 1855, a project is submitted with the legitimacy characteristics of the old Village of São Salvador intending to become the province of Goytacazes: “an urban network, an integrated area whereby the capital exercises its role of attract and spread the administrative, trade, political and cultural fluxes” (Chrisóstomo, 2011, p. 76 – own translation).
The political crisis at the end of the Brazilian monarchical system revived the debates around capital status changing in the second half of the century, time when Campos demanded it for the third time in 1870, and again in 1893, at this time assisted and supported by the local press and the Commercial Association of Campos. Therefore, this research considers this historical identity to comprehend its longue durée effects until the XX century, as found in the booklet of 1930 writ- ten by Ribeiro Lamego claiming for the capital status:
While, instead of an artificial capital, we do not juxtapose our political geography with our economic geography (…) It will be the greatest benefit of the Revolution to crumble the pernicious policy of urban parasitism, and to hand Brazil over to the irrepressible dynamism of the great working masses, the incorrigible core and ninety percent of our population. (Ribeiro, 1930, p. 6 – own translation)3
In this perspective, the appropriation of Campos as the regional core of an economical and cultural circuit, directs to the comprehension of discourse pro- duction in the XX by its class fractions inherited from this capitality spectrum. Ac- cording to Durval Muniz (2008), a historical and spatial clipping about a region is explained and justified through practices and discourses, those which can be actions, discursive practices and non-discursive practices. Guided by this remainder identity, Ribeiro (1930, p. 4) enquired that Niteroi – capital of the State at that time – did not have legitimacy to be the center of the entire Fluminense spirit on behalf of theirs being intensely metropolitan. Ribeiro (1930, p. 8) also emphasises that the northern Fluminense region, where Campos is located, is responsible for the most part of federal and state incomes. However, as he also asserted, the government groups that constitute Campos political society, in the strict sense, did not resist the idle metropolitan life, which represented an obstacle to the change project of the political-administrative capital of the State. Through a perception similar to that of Ribeiro, Godofredo Tinoco is heir to the regional and local identity that aimed to exalt the city as a sustaining pole for its position as fostering the state economy, besides the political events and cultural practices.
If this statement is the rule, the municipality of Campos, in the state of Rio de Janeiro, is a shining exception. And it is because – as recent censuses show us – it is the most populous municipality in Brazil, because it has in its 4,681 square kilometers, 350,000 inhabitants: it is, according to statistics, the municipality where Brazilians produce more per capita. Howe- ver, it is perhaps the most Brazilian municipality in Brazil, which is why the foreign element in its midst – although always well received – is almost non-existent. And, if we were to look for this number in 1918, we would have zero, in fact, because, at that time, all the mills were still in the hands of native Campistas. (Tinoco, 1967, p. 10 e 11 – own translation) 4 It must be considered that in the turn to the XX century the Brazilian oligarchy crisis, that resulted in dissidents in the 20’s, was an important factor for the political participation of intellectuals in the attempt to restore their fraction’s space in the hegemonic dispute against the oligarchy of São Paulo.
Just as the divisions within the oligarchy had drastically altered the modes of the intellectuals’ collaboration with power until before 1930, there is no doubt that the oligarchy’s attempts in the early 1930s to regain central power are at the root of a number of regional cultural endeavors (…). (Miceli, 2001, p. 78 – own translation)
Consequently, those public statements aforementioned directed the re- search to questioning the function of class fraction discourses in the political society thus, in the state. Initially, from a historical and class perspective, the concept of Gramsci with Integral State apprehends the modern political structure as a totality compounded by two superstructure layers. While poli- tical society, in the strict sense, is responsible for ensuring the maintenance of state power through laws and coercive measures, civil society represents the apparatus of hegemony used to organize collective claims, their actions and conscience. Nonetheless, these apparatuses also form super structuring elements that suit the economic infrastructure base. According to Mendonça (2014), Gramsci exemplifies among these apparatuses: churches, private as- sociations, syndicates, schools, parties and the press. “It is around them that collective claims are organized, whether from the dominant groups or from the dominated”. (Mendonça, 2014, p. 35 – own translation).
In the Gramscian analysis, intellectuality is increasingly replacing in the culture organization as a homogenization tool for the full development of the class or its fraction. In this regard, the intellectuals in the economic production world also retain the organizacional capacities of the general society, producing, in fact, the hegemony of the specific class it represents.
The new intellectual’s way of being can no longer consist in eloquence, the external and momentary motor of the affections and passions, but in an active involvement in practical life, as a builder, organizer, ‘permanent persuader’, not just a pure speaker – and superior to the abstract mathematical spirit; from technique-work, he rises to technique-science and to the historical humanist conception, without which he remains a ‘specialist’ and does not become a ‘leader’ (a more political specialist). (Gramsci, 1982, p. 8 – own translation)
From this definition, this research positionates Godofredo Tinoco as an organic intellectual of his time, class and region. In consonance with the promotion of the regional identity already discussed, Tinoco contributed to the emerging cultural and political movements of 1930 and, being part of the information and cultural apparatuses of Cam- pos, he defended an ethical political project that can be detected in his entire literature. In this sense, his capacity to pervade various fields of cultural production at the time – as press, theatre, academia – must be considered as a factor of larger public integration. In “Campos theatre (1735 – 1963)”, Tinoco illustrates this statement by connecting his artistic relation to his political choices and practices:
The year 1932 only had theater in its first semester, as the São Paulo Revolution somewhat tumultuated the city’s social life: – Godofredo Tinoco, after contact by telephone with Eduardo Gomes, Cordeiro de Faria and Juarez Távora – his companions in the revolution from 1922 to 1930, after holding a ‘meeting’ summoning the young men to defend and consolidate the situation created by the revolutionaries of that period, embarked the next day with a contingent of 384 Campista volunteers who fought bravely from the top of Mantiqueira, to Espírito Santo do Pinhal, where they were surprised by the termination of the struggle. (Tinoco, 1963, p. 89 – own translation)
The artistic production was a relevant organizing tool since the turn of the XIX century. The modernist movement of the 20’s and 30’s produced in its vertents ambiguous effects in the construction of the national identity: one side committed to the imported cult and erudite nationalism; whereas the others were motivated by the feelings and emotions that define the brazilian identity. In some measure, both currents permeated the ethical projects throughout the country, where “enmeshed in the questions of literary order, aesthetics research and Brazilian intelligence update were the questions of political order, mainly those regarding the cultural politics of Brazil.” (Oliveira, 1982, p.515 – own translation). These perspectives arrived in regionalized spaces, as Campos, by two identity conformations: the hunt for metropolitan cultural practices – theatre and music specifically in this discussion – as well as the promotion of regional characteristics which can be just as converging at times. Nevertheless, the regional perspective was particularly important to the Brazilian nationalism as the basic matrix of native culture they were searching for, based on the conception of “a regionalised world where the region contained the universal” (Nunes, 1972, p. 23).10
Proposed and practiced look to Brazil, sing the Brazil, write the Brazil. Never practiced as now, the habit of literary correspondences, from north to south, or from south to north and east to west (….) The revolutionaries had the necessity to spend stamps from the mail to combine plans and measures, animate, applaud. The provincial actions, until now seen from the top, begin to be celebrated with a never seen enthusiasm. (Oliveira, 1982, pp. 516-517 – our translation)11
The extinct Campos Music Conservatory, an institution created in 1935 and responsible for musicians and music teacher training, can also be analysed as one of the cultural apparatuses that operated the erudite side of the modernism ambiguity for decades in Campos society. The trajectory of the CMC can be understood according to the cultural circularity by the practices and ideas it established between Campos and Rio de Janeiro, mainly as a result of the internalization of metropolitan cultural practices alongside with the editorial music market that coordinated the former. Indeed, this market fostered music score pieces concentration in the metropolis as perceived on the printed stamps of the publishers and those of the commercial houses found in the music score pieces treated from Glória Ramalho’s Collection.12
The music score sheets are the records of the composers’ production; and the use of these documents, whether by musicians, teachers, students interested in music, or by researchers, characterizes the circulation of culture and the trans- mission of musical and other types of knowledge. Such works sometimes carry in- formation related to languages, rites, beliefs, mentality, places and other people’s events. These are creations that give meaning to the lives of those who produce them, as well as to the cultures that reproduce them.
Diverse practices and professions were fostered by the printed music market. Some authors compare the importance of this market with the record industry. “For the popular musician of this period, the music publisher practically had the same importance as the record industry after the 1930s.” (IKEDA, 1988, p. 101 as cited Among the musical score pieces treated: Paraíba by Humberto Teixeira and Luiz Gonzaga, Valsa das Flores by Tchaikovsky and Dança das Horas by Amilcare Ponchielli are respectively authorized copies of Todamérica Música LTDA, Irmãos Vitale and Editora Lítero Musical Tupy LTDA. The last two had received the stamps of the renowned instrument and music commercial stores Carlos Gomes and Carlos Wehrs. Paraíba and Valsa das Flores have prices for which they were sold and the three compositions have a catalog of other scores on the back of the last page. in BORGES, 2006, p. 44)13. Among both the works treated from Glória Ramalho’s Collection and the presentation programs of piano students from the teaching certification programme in Campos, foreign compositions and erudite music genres predominate, although some Brazilian compositions can be found. Therefore, the CMC was not just a piano teaching institution, like the other teaching centers in Campos, because it maintained its loyalty to the classical teaching model imported from the metropolis to Brazil and then internalized, as found in the book of Clippings of Campos musical memory (1839-1965), written by Vicente Rangel (1992):
The period ‘1942-65’ innovates in the creation of small nuclei of more liberal music te- aching, incorporating the popular genre, for the first time, in “courses”, “schools” and “academies”. It was a kind of reverse side of the medal of the erudite teaching of the Conservatório de Música de Campos and the local Department of the CBM, spaces that progressively exclusivize the classical teaching of the piano. (Rangel, 1992, pp. 266-267- own translation) According to Shirley Cristina Gonçalvez Lopes (2010), after the French Re- volution, the model of musical formation changed with the creation of conservatories. In France, this model could be qualified as a political-musical education because it was linked to the general political process. The import of this political-cultural practice, that was part of the cosmopolitan identity, circulated between the metropolis and the Brazilian countryside, integrated by a modernization project. About the nature of this project, it can be understood as exposed by Lopes:
The Conservatório de Música do Rio de Janeiro was founded based on the defense (idealized by composers, educators and cultural agitators of the time) that the Brazilian musical environment should be renewed through the foundation of a new institution imbued ‘of particular intellectual, aesthetic and academic principles’. There was a longing for modernization that meant, within this context, the abandonment of Italian opera as a model and the adoption of German and French romantic music as standards. And, within these changes, there was a growth in the amount of symphonic and chamber music concerts. (Vermes, 2004, p. 01 as cited in Lopes, 2010, p. 13 – own translation)15
About the context mentioned by Lopes, the Conservatory of Music of Rio de Janeiro was founded in 1841 and represented the first institution of its kind in Brazil, a model for other conservatories that emerged in the interior of the country, as well as a propellant for practices and professions correlated that circulated through society. Mário de Andrade (1958) commented about this same context: “The detestable fashion of playing the piano was beginning, which in 1856 made Manuel de Araújo Porto-Alegre call Rio de Janeiro ‘the city of the pianos’.” (Andrade, 1958, p. 157 – own translation).1613
This aforementioned circularity was first captured in Mikhail Bakhtin (1965) and Carlo Ginzburg (1976) works about figures from the XVI century together with the relations between popular and erudite cultures. Nonetheless, in the cases considered herein, the conception is promoted by the modernization ideals and expedited by the cultural industry from the XX century. The “dialogic encounter of two cultures” where “each one retains its own unity and open totality, however mutually enriched” that Bakhtin (1986, p. 7) finds by means of language, Ginzburg emphasises through a micro historical analysis of classes and their cultural circularity. Both authors fit in the cultural effervescence that pervaded the news metropolis of the almost entire industrialised world.
(…) the erudite and popular spheres through editions, consumption and sales of music scores; the phonograph, the gramophone and the electric record player; civilian and military bands and choro groups; radio, theater, cinema; collective parties and of the press, are compelling examples alluding to the existence of a process of cultural circularity that was very evident in the city of Rio de Janeiro at that time in particular. The circulation of dilettante or professional musicians between distinct musical milieus in certain sociohistorical contexts is another insightful example that proves this process of cultural circularity that is formed by means of the continuous interconnection and reappropriation originating from the cultures of the dominant classes and the cultures coming from the subaltern social layers.” (Silva, 2017, p. 80 – own translation)
One must consider that the modernising project arrived dispersedly at the region, mainly because of a general inequality in the social and economic structure of Brazil. Consequently, the cultural apparatuses – especially the press – played a greater role in the hegemonic conflicts of civil society in the countryside. This could be attested in the historical context of the 1950s when the Conservatory was established in the city, though undergoing financial difficulties. This information was found in the interview with the CMC’s director Risete Gusmão, in 1953, and reported by the Monitor Campista newspaper. The journalist who transcribed this interview also criticized the dispersion of efforts by these apparatuses that could help each other, such as the Campos Culture Center and the CMC.
While Ms. Risete Gusmão de Faria was talking to us, we were thinking about one of the mistakes commonly made by the Campista. If these efforts and energies were combined, the task would become easier and lighter. Unless we are mistaken, the Centro de Cultura de Campos is only willing to carry out an activity correlated to that of the Conservatory, so much so that it sends free tickets to the Conservatory for students who cannot pay for their auditions. But why not unite? We can speak from experience. The press in Campos suffers from this dispersion of efforts and energies. (O Monitor Campista, 1953 – own translation)18
The teachers who founded and administered the CMC also had their private groups of students related to each teacher’s particular organizational projects. Therefore, the multiplication of piano teacher’s particular projects in Campos music education expresses the interclass forces correlation inside apparatuses of hegemony, considering that:
(…) civil society, besides being the arena of class conflicts -intra-dominant class and even intra-apparatus of hegemony – is the space of specific correlations of forces that originate the emergence and organization of the entities studied. (Mendonça, 2014, p. 39)19
In contrast, when the discourses are organized by the entire political elite fractions, they achieve and forge the metropolis image in the city’s projects. This can be verified in specific scenes of the town and their productions based on a hegemonic agenda. Thus, the culture organization depends on the intellectuals’ capacity to dialogue ideas and practice into an ethical political action, in this case, ruled by the yearn to equip Campos dos Goytacazes with the same elements that structure the ideal of a developed town. These permeated the entire knowledge, information and culture promotion that were defended through the century. Godofredo, as an organic intellectual, conducted these three spheres in his political agenda, as seen is his action to promote the first colleges in town and recognized by the local newspaper: With the higher education courses already set up and ready to go into operation, with their registrations opening on January 1st, the Law and Philosophy courses, thanks to Godofredo Tinoco’s inexcedible dynamism, we saw an arduous, hard but, thank God, victorious campaign come to an end. (Folha do Comércio, 1957 – own translation)20
Quite similarly, the description about the CMC presentations found in the newspaper clippings and leaflets denotes that both CMC’s student groups and the professors’ performed in places frequented by Campos’ cultural elite. The locations were restricted to the halls of clubs in the city, as the old and extinct Trianon theater and the CMC concert hall, as well as some places outside Campos. In the excerpts of the newspapers-conveyed discourses that synthesize the perception involving groups of this cultural practice, the characteristics are: elegant, refined, enchanting, divine, select and legitimate art. Some of them can be seen in the exemplified source:
The festival that professors Risette and Maria de Lourdes Gusmão organized for the audition of their intelligent students was not only an hour of legitimate art, but also a moment of elegant distinction, such was the refined attendance at the Trianon. Select and charming, we saw our society represented there (…). (Folha do Commercio, 1927 – own translation)
In other sources of this type, it is possible to perceive the organization of an identity for Campos that honors it in the arts, letters and sciences, but seeks to define this regional identity in the circular relationship with the metropolis.
Campos in the arts, letters and science is much more powerful than its own people suppose. Unfortunately, an interesting phenomenon is noticed here. When artistic, literary or scientific values don’t suffer a negativist campaign, they are left to a near obscurity. Few are those who have their names beyond the regional borders, when it should be a large part. The people themselves would only profit if they gave prestige to their notable names, propelling them to greater victories. Thus, we would have the present and the future connected to the brilliant conquests in the past of our land.. (A Gazeta, 1933 – own translation)22
This relationship not only moulds the cultural values of the region, it also constructs a sustained self-criticism environment about the place that Campos fills or should fill in face of both the others and the largest cultural metropolis. This represents a response process of the organizational work through which the local culture equates with the largest capitals’ cultural movement.
The simple fact that the great painters of New France, after the shows held in the biggest capitals of our major states – Rio de Janeiro included – re- member Campos, already represents an unequivocal privilege of our culture. Let’s get to know classical culture through modern brushes, even the much-discussed Impressionism. (Tinoco, 1949, p.45 – own translation)
Therefore, the urban elite that conformed to the new modern city ‘s landscape is the same to diagnose its effects in the intercultural relation with other artistic and cultural centers. In this sense it provides feedback into the incessant project of patriotism valorization about Campos dos Goytacazes, which forward the demands and evaluation of the ruling classes to their organizational apparatuses.
- Conclusions
This article used two fields into the cultural organization in Campos dos Goytacazes – intellectuality and music teaching – to find the relations between them, the regional identity and the new method of ideological production and circularity in the XX century. As pointed out, the participation of the press in this cultural organization was crucial in the form of apparatuses of the entire class fractions in the hegemonic dispute, promoting discourses that forged the identity and also its conflicts over the XIX and XX centuries. In this regard, both research showed the function of civil society in the organization of this hegemonic apparatus, considering the voices in vogue in Campos in the formation process of its cultural and political elites. For this reason, these elites’ valuable practices, as the drama and the classical music, penetrated in Campos as tools to reaffirm its cultural metropolitan level, which long ago had been affirmed given the economic flows that established the power of the city.
Nonetheless, the metropolitan spirit in circularity fomented the spectrum of capitality and by this was fomented until the XX century. While the spectrum corresponded to an imaginary of superiority of Campos in relation to the regionality, the spirit appropriated represents a national identity project prevailing in the XX century. In this project, the ambiguity between the classic culture production and the search for an authentic cultural identity that considers the subjectivities of the region could be identified. Both tendencies contributed to the valuation of the municipality’s image in the circularity with the capital and other states, thus emerging local names in the national culture and politics. The memory constructed by the private apparatuses of hegemony has forged the city’s identity in political practices for these apparatuses commissioned.
Acknowledgements: We would like to thank Humberto Fernarndes for his accomplished work providing language teaching and writing assistance in this article, Simonne Teixeira and Márcia Carneiro for being fundamental part of this rese- arch’s results and continuation as advisors and partners.
This research was supported by the Universidade Estadual do Norte Fluminense Darcy Ribeiro (UENF) and fostered by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq).
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This article has been developed at the 1st Scientific English workshop, a partnership between the Pro-Rectory of Postgraduate and Research (ProPPG-UENF), the International and Institutional Af- fairs Advisory (ASSAII-UENF), and the Program of Scientific and Technological Initiation (PIBi).
Institution: Universidade Federal Fluminense (UFF)Title: The cultural circularity in Campos dos Goytacazes in the 20th century: from the intellectuality and musical teaching perspective
Type of publication: Original research article Name: Taiany Felipe and Igor Teixeira Publishing name: FELIPE, T. & TEIXEIRA, I. Field of study: History
